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                The permanent representations are headed by permanent
            representatives – ambassadors who form a special committee - COREPER
            (abbreviation  of  the  French  Comité  des  représentants  permanents).
            There are COREPER I and COREPER II. COREPER II is a meeting of
            ambassadors which discusses topics such as foreign affairs, finances,
            justice and home affairs while COREPER I, the gathering of deputy
            ambassadors, debates on agriculture, energy, transport, environment,
            education, sport and culture.

                It is worth mentioning that a sub-structure to COREPER II, which is
            called COEST, is a format of mid-level diplomats. It handles EU relations
            with the countries of  Eastern Europe  (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus,
            Moldova, Georgia, Russia and Ukraine) and Central Asia (Kazakhstan,
            Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan). Once the COEST
            members find a common position on a topic, it moves to COREPER II for
            further approval before it is finally endorsed by the Council of the EU.


            Unanimity and Double Qualified Majority Voting: Two Main
            Procedures for Decision-making in the EU Council


            There are two main rules for adopting decisions in the Council of the
            European Union, namely, Unanimity and Qualified Majority voting (the
            latter is also called the Double Qualified Majority).
                The unanimity rule/consensus principle is applied to a few special
            sectors, such as the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy, the
            accession of new members to the EU, EU tax law and the EU budget. The
            consensus principle seems to be the only remaining tool at the disposal
            of EU members, which enables EU states to veto any decision which
            runs counter to their national interests without giving consideration to
            the positions of other member states.
                EU members use such a tool quite efficiently when protecting their
            national interests. For example, the Hellenic Republic and Cyprus will
            never give their consent to resume accession talks with Turkey unless
            there is tangible progress on the problem of the northern part of Cyprus.
            Also, in 2019, Greece lifted its veto on launching accession negotiations
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